Political Culture of Ethnic Minorities in Al-Azraq Region

This study aimed at identifying political culture of ethnic minorities in Al-Azraq region, which is inhabited by a mixed population; Druze, and Chechens. Both researchers used the descriptive analytical method by using a random sample of both groups to study the political culture of the Druze and Chechen communities in Al-Azraq region, through a questionnaire tool prepared for this purpose. The number of citizens studied was as follows: 284 Druze and, 110 Chechens citizens.The study showed that the Chechen minority has more political knowledge than the Druze minority, while the Druze have greater political participation and political trust than Chechnya in government Institutions.

This study concerns about a region populated by minorities at the level of Jordan, therefore the region of Al-Azraq was chosen for this goal. Al-Azraq district locates in Zarqa Governorate and is considered one of the greatest districts in the area and it is about (90) kilometers far from the center of the Governorate. And it is the eastern gate of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, that connects the Kingdom with States of the Arab neighborhood. Al-Azraq is distinguished with as a tourist region and environmentally significant. And locates within the low area that formed a lake in the heart of the desert consisted of the flow of rain water and their collection in this low, the thing that made the region distinguished since ancient times with water sources and animal diverse in it, in addition to the wild plant cover and existence of the blue basalt stones. Al-Azraq District had been originated on 1/1/1996, it includes one municipal council, its members are (11) members. It is followed by the following housing populations: Northern Azraq, Southern Azraq, White Ein, Al-I'meri a (Border Center), and Al-Ihzeim (A Seasonal Farms Area), Adgheila and Um-Al-Masayel Farms. Its population amounted to 51997 persons with population intensity %13.2 persons/ square kilos and an area of 3948.3 square kilometers (Ministry of Interior, 2018).

Monitories in Jordan:
In Jordan no sooner that you cannot distinguish a citizen from another attributed as minority all citizens enjoy constitutional equality in accordance with article (6) wording of the Jordan Constitution. This is on the constitutional level but on the popular level, he does not remember that it had dealt among citizens themselves or between them and the state on the basis of a minority, citizenship is the basis of formal and popular dealing at equal limit. The form of the Jordanian people is formed of consistent structure in harmony in its ties, social, religious and political trends, so there is no differentiation on the ethnic basis, religious or ethnic one. This makes the description of minorities a superficial description, and comes from the gate of the monitory number of the rest of the people individuals, and so the diverse and the societal multitude is considered a factor of enrichness forms a harmonious societal plate in the tolerance and fraternization among all individuals of the one people.
Different minorities live in Jordan offered to Jordan through waves of migration came at a variant form and across approaching periods because of wars and oppression and else, and from these minorities; Circassians their number is 190000 persons Chechens, their number is about 15000 persons, Kurds, their number is 30000 persons, Turkman, their number is about 25000 persons, Druze their number is about 15000 persons, and Arman, their number is nearly 4000 persons according to (Al-Horani's, estimation, 2015, 453), and Bahai's number, who are distributed all over the country, is estimated about 1000 persons (Al-I'geili, 2015).
All of them shared in building and renaissance of Jordan together with the rest of the Jordanian people individuals. And of what concerns this study are both minorities of Druze and Chechens living in Al-Azraq region, only other than other minorities in Jordan.

Minority of Druze:
Druze are a basic part of the Jordanian people constituents. They dwell in Al-Azraq District with Chechens and Bedouins and other citizens. In the present time it became focus of attraction for merchants and owners of occupations, whose circumstances of work called them to dwell in Al-Azraq, but it still keeps its harmonies nature with the nature of Druze and Chechens themselves. Druze are known as BaniMa'roof attributed to that they are known with good manners and ethics, god natures and good manners with all neighbors of the community members.
Druze as they define themselves are pure Arabs, lead the Sunna ideology, so they are not a minority due to the number indicator, religious, or ethic one. Therefore, the state did specialize seats for them with the system of Quota like other minorities in the Jordan Community. They did not benefit from this particularity, so they have to compete on the normal seats. So it was not registered a winning of a representative on this rule on the seats of the Homeland was in 2016.
Druze is a sect of Molems, their origin refers to Jabel Al-A'rab in Syria, the Druze geographic connection with Jordan and Al-Azraq in particular in the last decades of the Nineteenth century (Abu Tareyyeh, 2016, 65). Druze spread in Al-Azraq, Amman, Zarqa, Ruseifa, and Umel Quttein regions. Druze number increased in Jordan after the French getting into Syria as an effect of Maysaloon Battle in July 24 th ., 1920 between the Army of the Great Arab Revolution in Syria, lead by Prince Faisal Bin Al-Hussein and Yousef Al-A'thma and the French Army, where this war commenced the advent of the French occupation to Syria, the thing that forced Druze to refuge to Jordan as a form of consecutive migrations among the years 1924, 1925, 1933, 1945. Also other waves of migration came from Lebanon as an effect of the Civil War particularly in 1975, and resided in it, where Al-Azraq District became the new native land for Druze and the permanent residence for them in Jordan (Abu Tareyyeh, 2016, 67).
Both researches depended that Druze indicators of minority do not apply on them, because of few number of them compared with population in general, also the difference of their customs, traditions and their special idiolect, inspite of speaking Arabic depending on Al-Horani's study (2015) by specifying that Druze indicators of minority are applied on them through reproducing the ethnic identity, it is; perception of the ethnic preferentialism, ethnic breeding, ethnic relations, motivators of the ethnic effector and the ethnic language (the dialect that raises the gapletter at a greeting form) at an arithmetic mean between (3.43, 3.54, 3.30, 3.69 and 3.87) consecutively remain the Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-5766 (Paper) ISSN 2225-0484 (Online) Vol.10, No.2, 2020 31 existence of ethnic identity continuing transference from generation to another.

Minority of Chechens:
The Chechens are a part of the basic constituent of the Jordanian People. Their migration had come after Russia had dominated the Chechen country in 1864, Ghrozni, -Gougaz killing and degrading its people, the thing that pushed them to migration protecting their religion and honor. The first group had arrived in 1903 and chose places of their dwelling at places with water is available. Zarqa was their first station, they built it and was established after that the Zarqa city, (Al-I'geili, 2016) Their migration had been completed in approximately in 1911. Their number was about 3500 persons included in 700 families distributed on the districts of their dwelling. They are Zarqa, Al-Sukhneh, Sweileh, and Amman, and finally Al-Zarqa-it is the place of the study.
Their number had reached (8776) persons in 1999 within 1550 families. In an informal statistics, but confirmed and depended in the scientific studies for the absence of true enumeration for this minority. Also their number in 2015 reached about (13000) persons approximately (Al-Bashayer, (2015). The Chechens had shared in building the Jordan State, side by side with equality with their Jordanian colleagues.
The Chechens on the opposite of Druze they considered themselves a minority, also the Jordanian State specialized parliamentary seats for them on the basis of granting them an election law for Circassians and Chechens in the Parliament (3) three specified seats due to their departments attributed as a minority, because originally they are not of Jordan population, but acquired the Jordanian nationality and became original citizens afterwards, enjoy the game rights and duties granted by the Jordan Constitution for all Jordanians. The Election law granted them the right of electing and candidation, for the Bedouins differ from Circassians and Chechens in that the Bedouins originally are Jordanians were dwelling in Jordan, Circassians and Chechens are from other nationalities arrived to Jordan and dwelled in it and they are a part of the structure of this native land, and its people are characterized with their loyalty and belongingness to Jordan 200,6).
Both researchers employed indicators that were provided in Al-Horani's study (2015) concerning specification of the minority. Both researchers depended on that the Chechens indicators of minority are applied on them, because of fewness of their number compared to general population and their coming from Gougaz regions, and their particular languages inspite speaking Arabic. the Chechens indicators of minority are applied on them according to standards of Election law for the Parliament of 2016 that specialized three seats together with Circassians, their cousins. Also depended on Al-Horani's study (2015) through his study of this minority, that works to reproduce the ethnic identity, where the general mean amounted to (2.97) at a medium degree. Al-Horani also noticed that all domains of reproducing the ethnic identity, it is perception of ethnic referentialism, ethnic breeding and motivators of ethnic effect or it is high, at an arithmetic mean between (3.09, 09.3, and 3.26) consecutively, meanwhile the ethnic language and ethnic relations are medium (2.62 and 2.80) consecutively. This indicates that the Chechens' absorption of the necessity of keeping the existence of the ethnic identity continuing and transfer it from one generation to another.

Problem of study
Inspite of that minorities in Jordan do not differ in general culture from the rest of people individuals, but there is an ethnic privacy distinguishes each minority from the other. This study also discusses a hypothesis wording that the political culture of the Druze minority does not differ from the political culture at the Chechens, because the lived environment is one unit, and because the Jordanian community with its general and subsidiary culture are not performed on the basis of ethnic and sectarian difference for all from a one structure.
From this point, the study attempts to stand on the nature of this problem and attempts to pin-point difference between both minorities from part of the political culture. And this study attempts research in dimensions of political culture of the Druze minatory and the Chechen one in Al-Azraq city.

Inquiries of study
The study is performed on a main inquiry: is there a difference in the political culture of the Druze minority from the political culture of the Chechen minority? From it is this inquiry, branch from it the following inquiries: -What are the political trends of minorities at Al-Azraq district? -What are trends of minorities at Al-Azraq district towards the political knowledge? -What are trends of minorities of Al-Azraq district towards the political participation? -What are trends of minorities at Al-Azraq district towards the political confidence?

Hypothesis of Study
The study is performed on a basic hypothesis..that is there are no differences with statistical significance between the Druze minority and the Chechens minority concerning the political trends, political knowledge, political participation, and political confidence.

Subsidiary hypothesis
1. There are differences with statistical significance at the level of significance <0.05 in views of the sample individuals towards political knowledge, political participation, and political confidence at Al-Azraq city ascribed to difference of the minority. 2. There are differences with statistical significance at the level of significance <0.05 in views of the sample individuals towards political knowledge, political participation and the political confidence at Al-Azraq city ascribed to difference of sex. 3. There are differences with statistical significance at the level of statistically significant at the level of significance <0.05 in views of the sample individuals towards political knowledge, political participation and the political confidence at Al-Azraq city ascribed to difference of family income. 4. There are differences with statistical significance at the level of significance <0.05 in views of the sample individuals towards the political knowledge, political participation and the political confidence in Al-Azraq city ascribed to difference of scientific qualification. 5. There are differences with statistical significance at the level of significance <0.05 in views of the sample individuals towards the political knowledge, political participation, and the political confidence at Al-Azraq city ascribed to difference of the task.

Objective of the study
The study attempts knowing the nature of this political culture for minorities and clarify the differences between both minorities from part of political culture. From this point this study attempts searching in the political culture for the Druze and Chechen minority at Al-Azraq city. The study seeks to achieve a group of objectives, the most prominent of them:  Recognizing the political trends of minorities at Al-Azraq district.  Clarifying trends of minorities at Al-Azraq region towards the political knowledge.  Clarifying trends of minorities at Al-Azraq region towards the political participation.  Knowing trends of minorities at Al-Azraq region towards the political confidence.  Knowing the differences with statistical significance in views of the sample individuals towards the political knowledge, political participation, and the political confidence at Al-Azraq city between both minorities of Druze and Chechens.  Knowing the differences with statistical significance in views of the sample individuals, political participation and the political confidence at Al-Azraq city ascribed to personal variables.

Significance of study
Significance of study conceals in two sides, the first scientific through information and recognizing at a theoretical and applied form on Druze and Chechens minorities at Al-Azraq city and studying their political culture, especially with its cognitive dimensions, political participation, political confidence, their role in political life, and the extent of their participation in the political life either candidation to the parliamentary elections, or voting, or their political trends. But the other significance it is practical; it is laying a scientific study in front of specialists in the community political culture to enlighten with it at laying appropriate programs in conserving the national unity from several origins and nurseries.

Methodology of study
This study leans on the style of the field surveying studies, that process data, and extend to classify its data and facts that had been collected, documented, explain these data and analyze these data quantitatively and qualitatively and deduce results and recommendations. By that they employed the descriptive analytical approach to classify, explain and analyze the phenomenon and deduce the results, subject of study, and used the questionnaire as a tool to collect data. The study will depend on two basic sources to obtain information; the first source is previous literatures that tackled this subject. But the second source is through the questionnaire that was distributed on them and clears views of both minorities Druze and the Chechens towards the political culture with its different dimensions.
Determinants of study -Objective determinant: studying the political culture with its dimensions for both minorities Druze and the Chechens.

Concepts Political culture
Al-Mond and Verba (1963) specified the political culture for the community as a group from "the standards the political regime and its different parts, and the stands towards the self-role in the system to which he belongs" (Al-Dajah, 2015).
Political knowledge: it is informing the individual in the community with things procedures at all domains; political, economic, social, and contemporary historical, and all what concerns the home land transparently without misguidance.
Political participation: it is the citizen individual's participation in the election, candidation and general life. Political confidence: it is knowledge of the citizen with all facts about his home land and his participation in general life, and his dependence and accreditation the sayings and actions the public foundations.
Political trend: it is the total of individuals' inclination towards a political current, or certain party. Personal referentialism; it is the citizens dependence in solving his issues, and decisive problems that confront him on law, government, clan, or the party.
Minority: it is a group of a region, or a certain state dwellers differ from the majority in the ethnic belongingness, linguistic, or religious without to mean necessarily a distinguished political and class stand (Al-Kayyali, Diene Loco, 244).
Ethnic group: (Smith, 1991) views that it is a referential group distinguishes itself from others of groups through the participant historical referentialism, and behavior standards and group identity and may combine with physical characteristics (provided in Al-Horani, 2015, 450).

Previous Studies
Both researchers show the previous literatures that tackled study of Druze and the Chechens and minorities in general. They also will show field studies that tackled the study of political culture of different minorities. Then did not find a study treats the political culture with its dimensions and the political trends of the Druze and Chechens minorities at Al-Azraq region. Therefore studies related with this study will be tackled.

Firstly: theoretical studies:
Abu tareyyeh's study (2016) entitled: Role of minorities in the Arab Political Regimes, the Monotheists Druze in Jordan and Lebanon a model. This study aimed at discussing role of minorities in the Arab Political Regimes through tackling the sect of Monotheists Druze as a model of those minorities and their role in affecting the Lebanese and Jordanian Political Regime. The third chapter tackled the historical and dogmatic background of the Druze and their spread and existence in Sham country. It had been pin-pointed that the Druze nomination is a military nomination and not a sectarian one and the term "Druze" spread about them does not satisfy them and they are not satisfied with it, but it became a decisive attribute of this sect-according to the author's saying as a member of them.
They prefer "Al-Mowahidoon" (Monotheist) nomination. They are satisfied with their two names "Al-Mowahidoon" and "Moslems" and their nick-name "BaniMa'roof". They assert that they are pure Arabs according to following their progeny descends from the original Arab tribes. The study deduced that there was a political role for the Monotheist Druze in the Jordan Political Regime and the Lebanese one.
Al-Adwan, Al-Dabbas and Mufadi's study (2015) entitled the Jordanian Parliamentary Institution: A Study in Political Representation. This study aimed at recognizing the limits of the Jordan Parliamentary Presentation from the perspective of studying the minorities and original population. To achieve the goals of study, it employed the legal analytical and statistical approach. The study deduced numerous results, the most important of them: is representation of minorities and Bedouins in the parliament is done through the system of quota and permanently since the establishment of the state. Finally, the study offered specified recommendations including: necessity revising with machineries of electing minorities through employing electing methods share in empowering the national identity. And it is necessary to review in the system of shares to the Bedouins and the Minorities in accordance with their dwelling weight.
Nawfal's study (2004) role of minorities in the French Elections on the basis that it represents one of the interests groups in the French Political System. This study aimed at analyzing role of the Arab minority in the French Elections for the year 2002. The study employed David Eyestone's approach of systems analysis, and had deduced results of them that the Arab Minority plays a significant role in the French Political Life protecting its interests and defending the Arab issues. The study cleared the French Politicians' concern with the Arab Minority to obtain their votes, and the Arab Minority can play a greater role at organizing itself in foundations.
Al-Dajah's study (2015) entitled: Political Culture of the Arab Community in Germany-A Field study. The goal of this study is recognizing views of the Arab Community Individuals in Germany towards the culture of Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-5766 (Paper) ISSN 2225-0484 (Online) Vol.10, No.2, 2020 politics with its three dimensions: knowledge, participation and confidence, in addition to that sources of political information and their opinions about the current incidents in the Arab World (Arab Spring). The study employed the social surveying through distributing a questionnaire prepared for this goal after revising the previous literatures. And a questionnaire had been distributed in numerous German cities, either west and east of Germany. The study employed the statistical analysis of the parcel (SPSS) to analyze results of means and standard deviations to test questions and hypotheses of study.
Al-I'weimer's study (2015) entitled: Arab Political Culture in Canada. The study aimed at pin-pointing reality of Arab Community Political Culture in Canada The Study had consisted of two basic parts, they are the theoretical framework, depended on sources and references to clarify existence, numbers of the Arab community, political and social backgrounds in Canada and the other depended on the field study through employing the social surveying and distributing a questionnaire and employed the statistical parcels to process data. The study had deduced that the Arab.. community trends about their role in the Canadian community were positive at a medium degree, and also about the others (Canadians) was a positive result at a medium degree. It also cleared their trends towards the Canadian Government, were positive at a medium degree, and the sources of their political information from the educational foundations in their original countries.
Ayed, Al-Oweimer and Mubarak study (2012) entitled "Attitudes of the Arab Community in Relation to Culture Identity in Germany". This study aimedat investigating from the relationship between the cultural identity and the social merging of the Arab Community in Germany. To study the variables related with the cultural identity and the social merging, such as age, sex, residence, duration of residence, education, nationality of the wife, income and obtaining the German nationality and restoring the original nationality, studies depended the approach of the social surveying with the sample and employing a questionnaire prepared for this goal. This sample consisted of (138) respondents from the Arab Community dwelling in Germany during Summer of 2011. Results showed existence of relationship with statistical significance at all independent variables in accordance with the cultural identity, of what concerns social merging. Differences were great in what relates with income, and obtains the German nationality and restores the original nationality after obtaining the German Passport.
Al-Guraan study (2005) entitled "Political Culture in the Jordan Country side". The study aimed at recognizing the pattern of political culture prevailing in the Jordan countryside, through recognizing their trends and political views towards their role in the community and their trends and political opinions towards others in the community, and finally their trends and political opinions towards the public foundations.
Wahbeh's study (2005) entitled "Disclosing Lights on Druze Dogma". It aimed at clearing the historical breeding and establishing the Druze ideology. The researcher had depended on a group of historical sources and following the upbringing of this ideology since the Abbasside Caliphate till the cessation of the Fatimeyah Caliphate in 567H.. He tackled in this book acknowledging Druze; their origin, nationality and their dogma. The study cleared that Druze are pure Arabs, and they are Monotheist Moslems and Islam is a tree and Druze are a branch of it.
QaidBei study (1999) entitled Druze History at the End of Mamluks' Reign, according to Hamza Bin Ahmad Bin Sabat in the book of Authenticity of News. The book seems to be a Master Degree Dissertation in its origin and aims at recognizing the history of Druze through investigating Ibn Sabat's Manuscript, especially history of Druze. The researcher followed up the history of Druze and the Emirate of Tanoukh in Lebanon region. The book showed a group of manuscripts that clarify history of Druze in Lebanon in the period between the 15 th and 18 th . century… through the follow up of the Druze Tannough Emirate.
Al-Bashaireh's study (1999) entitled: The Jordanian Chechens: a Geographic, human and Economic study. This study aimed at clarifying fundamentals, customs, traditions of Chechens and difference between t hem and Circassians and when believed in Islam, their populational structural, and economic characteristics and could exist in Jordan. The researcher had employed the descriptive investigational approach and used the questionnaire in his field study. The researcher deduced that the Chechens refer to the Gaugazian Ethnic and their existence refers to 6000 and 4000 years BC (before Christ) in the Gaugaze Country, and they believed in Islam between the Sixteenth and Eighteenth Century AD. And there is another saying that they believed in Islam at the endings of the Orthodox Caliphs Reign,then reached the Chechens, and the Chechens language differs from the Circassians' only and the rest of customs and traditions are one.
Nashkhu's study (1995) entitled: "History of Circassians (Al-Adighah) and the Chechens in both Districts of Horan and Balqa . The study aimed at following up the Circassian and the Chechens history in Sham Country during the Ottoman Reign extended from 1878 to 1920. It depended on sources and Legal Courts records in Salt and Haifa, Irbid and Amman, in addition to lands records, documents of the national library and published Ottoman documents, memoranda, manuscripts, personal meetings and newspapers, and the traveler's office and else of references and many sources. the researcher cleared that an annihilation war started between the Caesarian Russian and people of Gaugaz of the Circassians and the Chechens and Daghistans when the Ottoman state concluded Aderna's Agreement with Russia in 1829, and gave up in accordance with it from Gaugaz Region which it did not possess in origin, the thing that allowed Russia to be alone with the Gaugaz People and besiege it by sea Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-5766 (Paper) ISSN 2225-0484 (Online) Vol.10, No.2, 2020 35 and land. Armies of the Russians had waged war continued to seventy years and caused the migration of a million and four hundred thousand Gaugazians, to regions of the Ottoman State from them Jordan.
Al-Khatib's study (1989) entitled "Druze's Dogma: A Presentation and Refutation". This book aimed at presenting and refuting Druze sect's sayings, and pin-pointed that this book is not directed to a sect, or persons themselves, but clears and clarifies the Druze belief, also the writer does not defame the patriotism of who is attributed to Druze sect, and he is not from those who allied against Druze. He also clears the Druze Dogma and its essence.

Related field studies
Both researchers did not find studies tackled the field part to recognize trends and opinions, or information's of minorities in Al-Azraq: Druze and the Chechens. Both researchers will present related studies approaching the subject of minorities. The results of study indicate to that the political culture of the Arab community in Germany near and homogenous because of similarity of the social and political environment of the Arab community in Germany. This refers to the fact that Germany, the host country depends the democratic principles and the cultural, and political multitude, this in turn positively reflected on the political culture for individuals of the Arab community, that integrates in the political culture and considered unparted.
On the political level, the study showed that communication between the formal German institutions and the informal ones with the Arab community. An Arab needs to improve, and members of the community should be encouraged in Germany to participate in politics at a great form in public life in Germany, also what relates with general elections and belongingness to the political German factions.

Community of the study and its tool
The community of study consisted of the Druze and the Chechens minorities in Al-Azraq region, distributed on different groups from Al-Azraq city. the community of study had amounted to (6200) from Druze at Al-Azraq region (Al-Sabil, 2016) and the number of the Chechens amounting to (300) individuals at Al-Azraq region approximately (Chechens of Jordan, 2015). The sample of study had amounted to (284) upon whom the distribution of the questionnaire had been done from Druze and their rate represents %4.5 researched individuals and from the Chechens amounting to (110) and their rate represents %36.6 researched individuals.

Tool of study
Both researchers prepared a questionnaire covered domains of the study subject. The questionnaire included (9) important variables, they are: the age, sex, profession, scientific qualification of the respondent, and the family income. Also divided the paper of the questionnaire into domains to cover the trends, referentialism, political knowledge, political participation and the political confidence.
To make sure of validity of the study tool and its reliability, both researchers did subdue it to process of arbitration by specialists, where it had been presented to a group of arbitrators amounted to seven members were as follows: two of political science specialists, and five members from different academic specializations; covered sociology, political sociology and statistics; that is for the sake of giving notes and propositions. Paragraphs assembled by %85 were depended, and the tool of study had been finally laid; to be applied on individuals of the study sample. But reliability of the study tool had ben asserted by applying it one time on a sample from outside the sample of study with a time difference, its duration is three weeks. Thereupon, the tool of study enjoys validity significances make it appropriate for the study purposes.

Reliability of the tool
For the convenience of the tool reliability, the Cronbach Alpha coefficient had been counted for both political participation and political confidence, where the reliability coefficient for the scale of political participation level amounted to (0.842), meanwhile the reliability coefficient for the scale of political confidence amounted to (0.884), and this value was considered appropriate for the purposes of this study.

Estimations of the political participation rate and the political confidence rate
To recognize estimations of political participation and political confidence rate, both researchers had depended Leekart's Fivefold Graduation, where they took the arithmetic mean less than 1.5 very few, between 1.5-less than 2.5 few, 2.5 -less than 3.5 medium, 3.5 -less than 4.5 big, more than 4.5 very big.   (284) of Druze and their rate from their total reached to %72.1, also the number of researched individuals of the Chechens amounted to (110) persons and their rate amounted to%27.9. Also the number of males amounted to (220) and their rate amounted %55.8 and females amounted to (174) and their rate %44.2. The table also indicates to %57.6 their ages were more than (31) years and the level of the highest educational level was the General Education Secondary Certificate. The rate amounted to %51.3 and the rest of rates were distributed on the diploma, bachelors, and post graduates as illustrated in the table. And what concerns the income it is noticed that (%51.5) of researched people their monthly incomes increased, more than 301 dinars and more, and (%48.5) of them their monthly incomes are less than (300) dinars, and concerning work, the table above showed that those who work in the public sector their rate amounted to %48.2 of the sample individuals, meanwhile the rate of the unemployed people amounted %36.5.

Results discussion and analysis
Firstly: answering the study inquiries: Concerning the answer of the first inquiry: what are the political trends and personal referentialism for minorities in Al-Azraq region? And to recognize the political trends for minorities at Al-Azraq repetitions of paragraphs that measure that had been counted, as illustrated in table No. (2).
Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-5766 (Paper) ISSN 2225-0484 (Online) Vol.10, No.2, 2020  (2) that minorities political trends at Al-Azraq city were directing towards patriotism for the number of patriotic individuals amounted to 318 individuals at a rate of %80 from total of sample individuals, followed by direction towards nationalism at a rate of %13.5, meanwhile the number of individuals, who direct towards the Islamic approach (19) at a rate of %4.8 from the sample of study. And finally the rate of individuals whose political trend is leftist amounted %1 from individuals of the sample of study.
The table itself clarifies that most minorities at Al-Azraq city their referentialism is law, for their number amounted 275, at a rate of %69.8 of the sample of study individuals, followed by the clan at a rate of %20.1 of the sample of study individuals. And it had been %17.1 of the sample of study individuals their referentialism is the government, but whose referentialism were political factions had amounted (12) individuals at a rate of %3 of the sample of study individuals.
The table also clarifies that most minorities at Al-Azraq city when confronted by a certain problem refuge to a government responsible, where their number was (148) individuals at a rate of %37.6 followed the court approach at a rate %22.8, then who solves their problems by themselves at a rate of %21.3 and finally refuge to the clan at a rate of %18,3.
To answer the second question: what are the trends of minorities at Al-Azraq region towards the political knowledge? Through the following is done: to recognize the level of political knowledge at minorities in Al-Azraq city the repetitions and the percentages for paragraphs that measure this indicator had been counted as in the (3) clarifies that a group of questions had been laid, to be answered by the sample of study individuals, for individuals of the sample of study found that their knowledge was more abundant about the residence of the Arab States League. The number of those whose answers were correct (349) individuals and at a rate of %88.6 followed by their knowledge of the United Nations residence, and name of the Jordan Prime Minister with the same degree where 345 individuals their answers were correct at a rate of %87.6, then came knowledge of the Minister of Interior Name, for 342 individuals, their answers were correct at a rate of 86.8. (325) individuals Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-5766 (Paper) ISSN 2225-0484 (Online) Vol.10, No.2, 2020 38 were aware of the American Foreign Minister's name at a rate of %82.5. the number of those who knew Head of the Upper House's name amounted (316) individuals at a rate of %80.2.
The table itself clarifies that number of those who are aware of this Elective department representative's name 305 individuals at a rate of 77.4. Also (301) individuals know the name of the Jordan Parliament. Head at a rate of %76.4.(278) individuals knew the year of King Abdullah 2 nd entrusting his constitutional authorities at a rate of %70.6. Also the number of those who know when the present Jordan Constitution was issued amounted to (208) individuals at a rate of %52.8 of the sample of study individuals.
The table itself clears the fewest correct questions, that is recognizing the number of the Present Jordan Upper House members, number of the Jordan Parliament members, and the number of women in the Jordan Parliament, where the number of individuals who answer correct answers are: 130, 187, 192 consecutively.
After counting the general average of the above table it is clear that the political knowledge is higher than that deduced by (Al-Gura'an, 2005) for the arithmetic mean amounted to %49.9 for the political knowledge dimension for the Jordan countryside.
To answer the third question: what are the minorities at Al-Azraq region trends towards the political participation? The answer was done as follows: to recognize the level of political participation of minorities at Al-Azraq city, the arithmetic means and standard deviations of the paragraphs that measure this domain, as shown in the table No. (4).  (4) that the level of political participation of minorities at Al-Azraq city was medium, where the arithmetic mean amounted to (3.008) with a standard deviation (.0.681). Most abundant domains, in which minorities participate in the membership of political factions, followed that the minorities have an effective role in the political participation. These domains had been with a great degree, for the arithmetic mean was between 3.5 -less than 4.5.
The paragraph "I have a view in the government's work, I participate in the membership of societies & clubs, share in political discussions, and attend public symposiums", I have a view in the Parliament work, and I dialogue my friends on the public issues all them were at a medium degree, where the arithmetic mean located between 2.5 and less than 3.5.
The table itself clears that participation in the national activities and participation in the Parliamentary and Municipality elections were few for they amounted between 1.5 -less than 2.5.
To answer the fourth question: what are the trends of minorities in Al-Azraq region towards the political confidence? To recognize the level of political confidence of minorities at Al-Azraq city, arithmetic means and standard deviations of the paragraphs that measure this domain as shown in the   (5) that the level of political confidence for minorities at Al-Azraq city was medium, for the arithmetic mean amounted to 2.782 and a standard deviation 0.550. It is clear from the table itself that their confidence in the United Nations Corporation and discussing the representative of their district about his role in the raised issues in the Parliament were great, for the arithmetic mean amounted between 3.5-less than 4.5.
The table itself pin-pointed that their confidence in the United States.. their discussion with the responsibles about the pubic issues, and the government works to protect the national interest and the share of universities in spreading the political culture and the ministers do their duties, the national societies work for the interests of the native land, and citizens are equal in front of the law. All of them were at a medium degree, where the arithmetic mean amounted between 2.5 -less than 3.5. The same table clears that the paragraph allows my family to discuss its issues and paragraph of the Jordan Foreign Politics do work to illustrate affairs of Islam and remove the attribute of terrorism from it... it was at low degree, where the arithmetic mean of it amounted between (1.5) -less than (2.5). Secondly: test of study hypotheses and their discussion: The first hypothesis: there are differences with statistical significance at the level of significance <0.05 in views of the sample individuals towards the political knowledge, political participation and political confidence at Al-Azraq city ascribed to difference of the minority.
To know the difference in elements of political culture due to difference in some independent variables. Some statistical tests will be done as follows: Firstly: to know the difference in elements of political culture due to difference in the origin minorities, the t-test had been employed, as shown in table No. (6).  (6) that there exists a difference in the level of political knowledge due to difference in origins of minorities, where the (t) value amounted to (8.375). it is statistically significant at the level of significance (α<0.05), for the interest of the Chechens, that is the Chechens have political knowledge more than Druze, where the arithmetic mean of Chechens amounted to (1.429) meanwhile, the arithmetic mean was for the Druze 1.239.
It is clear too that there exists a difference in the level of political participation and the level of political confidence due to the origin of minorities, where the (t) value of them both amounted to 3.991 consecutively, it is statistically significant at the level of significance (α<0.05) for the interest of Druze, that is Druze are more politically participant and more politically confident than the Chechens.
The second hypothesis: There are differences with statistical significance at the level of significance (α<0.05) in views of the sample individuals towards the political knowledge, political participation, and the political confidence at Al-Azraq city ascribed to the difference of gender.
Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-5766 (Paper) ISSN 2225-0484 (Online) Vol.10, No.2, 2020 40 To recognize the difference in elements of political confidence due to the difference in gender, for the t-test had been employed as shown in the table No. (7).  (7) that there exists a difference in the level of political knowledge, political participation and the level of political confidence due to the difference in origins of minorities, where the (t) value amounted to 3.177, 2.784, 3.247 consecutively it is statistically significant at the level of significance α<0.05 fort the interest of females, that is females have political knowledge, level of political participation, and level of political confidence more than males. The third hypothesis: There are differences with statistical significance at the level of significance α<0.05 in views of the sample individuals towards the political knowledge, political participation, and the political confidence at Al-Azraq city ascribed to the difference of family income. Thirdly: to recognize the difference in elements of the political culture due to differences in the family income, the (t) test had been employed as shown in  (8) that there is no difference in the level of political confidence due to the difference in the level of income to individuals of study sample, where the (t) value amounted to (0.053), it is not statistically significant at the level of significance α<0.05.
It is clear from the table itself that there is difference in the level of political knowledge due to difference in the level of family income, for the (t) value amounted to 2.161...and it is statistically significant at the level of significance α<0.05 for the interest of those whose income is higher, that is…whose income is higher are more abundant in political knowledge than those with less income.
And it is clear from the table itself that there is a difference in the level of political participation due to difference in the family income, for the (t) value amounted to 3.795 and it is statistically significant at the level of significance α<0.05 for the interest of those whose income is lesser, that is those whose income is lesser, the level of their political participation is higher.
To recognize difference in the level of political culture elements due to difference in the level of scientific qualification ANOVA variation analysis test had been employed as shown in table No. (9).
Fourth hypothesis: There are difference with statistically significant at the level of significance α<0.05 in views of the sample individuals towards the political knowledge, political participation and the political confidence at Al-Azraq city ascribed to the difference of the scientific qualification.  .22594(*) * The mean difference is significant at the .05 level.
It is clarified from the table (10) that there exists a difference in the political confidence due to difference in the educational level, and these differences were between the bachelor and the General Secondary Certificate for the interest of the bachelor. Also the place of differences was between the bachelor and diploma for the interest of diploma.
Fifth hypothesis: there are differences with statistical significance at the level of significance α<0.05 in views of the sample individuals towards the political knowledge, political participation and the political confidence at Al-Azraq city ascribed to difference of profession.
To recognize the difference in the level of the political culture elements due to difference in the profession, the ANNOVA variation analysis test had been employed as shown in table No. (11).  (11) that there is no difference in the level of political confidence due to difference in the mature of the task, the value of F. amounted (1.441).
It is not statistically significant at the level of significance α<0.05. And it is pin-pointed from the table itself that there exists a difference in level of political knowledge, and level of political participation due to difference in the nature of profession, where the F. value amounted 3.549, 10.508 consecutively and it is statistically significant at the level of significance α<0.05.
And to recognize difference among levels of the profession variable, Toki test had been employed as shown in the table No. (12). .42449(*) * The mean difference is significant at the .05 level.
It is clarified from the table (12) that there exists a difference in the political knowledge due to profession, the differencesamong had been individuals without work and those who work in the public sector for the interest of those without work. That is the individuals who have no work, have political knowledge more than who work in the public sector.
It is clear from the table itself that there exists difference in the political participation due to the difference in the profession, and the differences had been among individuals without work and between each who works in the private sector and who works in the public sector for the interest of those without work.

Results and recommendations: Results:
Firstly: results of the political trend, and the depended referentialism for solving problems, political knowledge political participation and political confidence at individuals of the sample: 1. The study cleared that the political trend of the study sample individuals that the national political trend is prevailing at a rate of %80.7. and the basic referentialism to solve problems at individuals of the sample is the law and at a rate of %70 and only %20 of the sample individuals refuge to the clan to solve their problems. 2. The study had cleared that the highest paragraph in the level of political knowledge was recognizing the place of the Arab States League and secondly knowing the name of the Prime Minister and the fewest is knowing the number of members of the Upper House Council (House of the Senates) at a rate of 335. 3. Concerning the political participation, it had been evidenced from the study that it was at a medium degree at individuals of the sample. 4. It also evidenced that the political confidence was at a medium degree at individuals of the sample.