Boko Haram,Peace, Security and Development in North-East Nigeria: A Refractory Expedition

The atrocious crimes leashed on North Eastern Nigerians evident in brutal killings, rapes, kidnap and violence against humanity by the Boko Haram sect for 16years, is not only devastating but also brings critical narratives to the fore. The threats this sect has posed overtime to the level of peace, security and development of the nation generally, questions the role, agenda and essence of governance in Nigeria especially at the federal level. Available studies bothering on insurgency in the North Eastern region of Nigeria, seem to pay negligible attention to the interconnectedness between peace and development in that region. Applying the democratic peace theory, this paper sets to examine the link between peace, security and development since the formation of Boko Haram in 2002, with particular reference to Borno, Adamawa and Yobe states of Northern Nigeria. The secondary data sources were utilized through theoretical and historical analysis to access, interpret and discuss the findings. The paper submits that the security situation in the region is influenced by the already existing economic dislocation, volatile political terrain, religious insensitivity etc and has adversely affected the peaceful co-existence, security and overall level of development in the region.While a military intervention in curbing this mayhem is expedient, this paper suggests that the assurance of security and overall development of the region should be a top-notch agenda of government in order to fortify any resolve for peace not only in the North east but also in every region in Nigeria. Keywords : Peace, Security, Development, Boko Haram, North-East Nigeria Word Count: 245 DOI : 10.7176/JPID/49-05 Publication date : April 30 th 2019


Conceptualization 2.1. Peace
As complicated as the concept of peace is, meaning different things to different people it is almost preferable to war and can and must include not only the absence of war but also the establishment of positive, life-enhancing values and social structure (Galtung, 2013). Douglas Noll and Johan Galtung at separate accounts, made distinctions between positive and negative peace, For Galtung, Positive peace refers to a social condition in which exploitation is minimized or eliminated and in which there is neither overt violence nor the more subtle phenomenon of underlying structural violence, while historically, negative peace denotes the absence of war and other forms of large scale violent human conflict.

Development
To some school of thoughts, development means the liberalization of economies while to other school of thought, it encompasses a continuous change in a variety of aspects of the human condition. Like the later school of thought, Sen(1999) has given a broader narrative to the concept of development. He argues that development must be judged by its impact on people and the distribution success of this impact and not just in mere figurative termsin the society. Seers on the other hand, conceive development as the process of economic and social transformation that is based on complex, cultural and environmental factors and their interactions (Dudley, 1969). To him, the questions to ask about a country's development are therefore; what has been happening to poverty, what has been happening to unemployment, what has been happening to inequality? He also mentioned adequate educational levels, freedom of speech, true economic and political independence as human potentials. But some governments are themselves the main obstacles to development as a structural societal change (Dudley, 1967). Hence, the concept of development in this discourse, is a combination of Sen and Seers's position which is considered to exist not only in the presence of progressive values but creating well circulated and tangible impacts through the capacity of the system to provide the enabling environment for that continued wellbeing. In essence, values must be drawn from government.

Security
The multi-dimensional and diverse nature of the concept of security, makes it expedient to underscore its contextual usage in this paper. Security basically is the absence of threat and fear. This could be fear from hunger, environment, people, state of living and death. Similarly,Fischer and Green, opines thatsecurity implies a stable, relatively predictable environment in which an individual or group may pursue its ends without disruption or harm and without fear of such disturbance or injury ' (2004). Hence, the concept of security in this paper suggests that through commitments, a certain level of trust is earned from the state government, subsequently, citizens deprived of security (i.e. the absence of trust as a result of failed commitments from state actors) pose as a potential threat to peace and development.

Theoretical Consideration 3.1. Democratic Peace Theory (DPT)
The democratic peace theory posits that global democracy will provide a solid foundation for global peace, hence two democratic states are less likely to go to war compared to two undemocratic states and arguably, democratic states never go to war (Mello;. The standpoint of this paper supports the normative logical argument of democratic peace that posits that democratic states are subjected to social and cultural norms that advances equal representation, justice, respect for human rights, development, and peaceful resolution of conflicts. According to Ohlson and Soderberg (2016) the synchronization of conflict resolution, democracy and state making, postulates that weak states are more prone to end up in intra-state (civil) war than are strong states. The duo, further suggested that democratic government by design accommodates protest, but also offers nonviolent measures of voicing grievances and expressing protest as well as devising techniques to arrest violent protest. In light of this, it is believed that peace and its sustainability through development can only thrive in a stable and mature democracy were government are justly accountable to her citizenry, promoting free and fair elections, resolving disputes through peaceful means and upholding justice above all. Hence this theory supports the argument that the security situation in the region is influenced by the already existing economic dislocation, volatile political terrain, and gross failure of the state system. According to Ahmad Salkida, a close ally of Mohammed (Abusidiqu bloq:2014) As such, the absence of these values, has extrapolated full scale violence in Nigeria's North East,a region that has suffered so much neglect, poverty and underdevelopment (Osaretin: 2015). A study conducted by the UN shows that poverty in 12 Northern states is twice the impact of poverty in other parts of Nigeria (Johnnie :2012)

DISCUSSION
Boko Haram is not the only security threat to Nigeria's national security. There has been several militia groups destabilizing peace and security. From the Maitatsine militia in the 80s to the Bakassi Boys and the Movement of the Actualization of Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) in 1999, and IPOB in 2014, to the Niger delta militants in 2006, then the Boko Haram fundamentalist sect in 2009. However the Boko Haram insurgents stands out in its brutality and disastrous effect, hence, the spate of deadly attacks perpetrated by Boko Haram insurgents in Nigeria has informed many narratives to the discourse. Using Robert Jackson's inference of negative sovereignty (1986), the Nigerian state has not managed security checks and governance accordingly. With porousborders, there has not been any substantial policy implementation on border security and management. This has greatly compromised security intelligence and challenged economic and governance development, as the influx of illegal small and light weapons is continually on the rise.
There is a common theory supporting the claim that the boko haram sect was sponsoredby northern politicians to make Jonathan's administration look bad. This theory is championed by southern politicians who believe that the people from the core north has taken Nigerian leadership as their birth right and to show their disdain for a southern leadership, Boko Haram became an instrument by northern elites, for destabilizing the country and to make the country ungovernable for Goodluck Jonathan. Again, there is another twist to this theory. This school of thought posits that Goodluck Jonathan, a southerner, sponsored the Boko Haram insurgency in other tomobilize support from the south and Christians or to weaken and de-populate the north ahead of the 2015presidential election. The position of this conspiracy theory rests on an acclaimed false pretense by the Jonathan administration to give an impression of his administration as an underdog been oppressed by the North via the Boko Haram insurgents. Thus, the presidency can galvanize support from southern and Christian populace. Major elites from the north including former governor of Adamawa state, Murtala Nyako have legitimized this theory (Adibe:2011). However this theory are limiting in explaining the reasons behind the insurgency in the north east. Firstly, Jonathan was the vice-president under Yaradua a northern, when Boko Haram unleashed terror on the Nigerian state in 2009. Secondly, testimonies by arrested Boko Haram suspects have not suggested the involvement of Goodluck Jonathan in Boko Haram terrorism.
Others perceive the insurgency as a reflection of political Islamism, where the fear of religion supremacy gives rise to pockets of uprising against the state (Osaretin: 2015). State governments and political elites dabble religion with governance, at the peril of health, education, security, justice, etc. Some other intellectuals, is of the view that the BokoHaram insurgency is a factor of a fundamental belief system and religious fundamentalism (Malasowe: 2016).Johnnie Carson (2012), Ahmad Salkida (2014) at separate account suggests that the offspring of Boko Haram is a reflection of the social economic failure of the state system. They assert that there is a connection between the rising atrocities by Boko Haram and the level of state neglect of citizens by government, thus,the resultant cost is that it creates the necessary condition for radical Islam to thrive and by extension the rise of other marginalized groups (Isa 2010: 329). According to Prof Gambari (2012) an under Secretary General, special adviser to the secretary General of the United Nations, an analysis on girl child education, suggests that the North East with 20 percent has the lowest enrolment rate in the country, as against 85 percent in the South East, 75 percent in the South-South and 25 percent in the North West. To further buttress this assertion, Nigeria's vice-president Prof YemiOsinbajo affirmed that, the region has the lowest school enrolment in the country as well as the highest infant and mortality rate in the country. In effect the poverty, underdevelopment and marginalization of the region should not serve as a platform for future engagement with the region (Vanguard newspaper:2015). Lolio's assertion further underscores the tone of this paper. He opines that "it is significant to know that the root causes of the insurgency often relate to a long cloudy set of problems culminating into uncontrolled grievances and exploding violence. Such problems are socio-economic and political, that is why insurgencies are more rampant in underdeveloped countries or countries engulfed by corrupt regime, ethnicity, social prejudices as religious and disparities in the distribution of resources or even lack of it (2013)" Subsequent on the above, the Franz Fanon's (2001) categorization of the "Wretched of the Earth" comes to the fore in analyzing the emergence of the terrorist group. The sheer need to meet basic needs in the face of harsh realities has informed violent enduring conflict. An annual GDP growth rate for over a decade shows that the north has one of the poorest populations in Nigeria, and the highest poverty rate worldwide by a UNDP report in 2012. Also, the North East and North West have become popular with an alarming rate of prostitution and drug abuse.The reason behind this staggering fact is not unconnected to the many uneducated Northernand Furthermore, the adoption of over 200 Chibok girls in April 14, 2014 and the 110 Dapchi girls adoptions in 2017 has increased distrust in the security of education particularly among thegirl child. Basically, unemployment, injustice, endemic poverty, corruption, bad and insensitive leadership, and loss of faith and hope in the government exacerbated the Islamic fanaticsdisenchantment with the country, particularly at the state and local government levels, where these governments were indifferent to the societal problems. Although, the Islamic sect started off as antagonizing the anti-development indices of the Nigerian government, claiming that western education has abetted corruption, lopsided justice system and general underdevelopment, however, its ideology appears hijacked and remains unclear as the wanton destruction of lives and property, particularly in these three states, tilts the group more as terrorist with an identity of what Hannah Arendt called the "banality of evil" (1963). Essentially, this notion suggests that the Nigerian security paradox is not a reflection of one insurgent group but rather a posture of a number of missing fundamentals. Such that, the Nigerian state has conformed people based on accepting their actions normal even when such action are abnormal. The Nigerian government declared a state of emergency in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe states in 2015 and some territories have been regained (vanguard: 2015), this however has not revamped the already ailing economic and development situation that has distorted peace and security in the North-East.
In effect, even after isolating the Boko Haram insurgent group, Nigeria still remains enmeshed in her security challenge. In other words, Boko Haram as an ideology provides the stimulus for the aggrieved, subjected to endemic poverty, unemployment, and injustice in a country blessed with human and natural resources. The deprivation, inequity, poverty and youth unemployment has intensified the Boko Haram insurgency. Hence boko haram is just a window for Nigerians who witness leaders stealing and diverting national wealth to personal gains at the dearth of basic needs for the general populace. Although, the insurgency in the north east has severely deteriorated the already underdeveloped states, however, conscription in the first place thrived due to poverty, unemployment and gross highhandedness of the political class. Olojo and Idowu (2013) at separate accounts corroborates this assertion,affirming that brutal radicalism, enrolment and support for Boko Haram have been dependent oneconomic deprivation, as well as ethnicity, poverty, inequality, crises of the state, political culture and institutional failure as significantly contributed to Boko haram insurgency.

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
For over a decade, the dastardly activities of Boko Haram insurgency and many other negative rhetoric have trailed the news. Nigeria has taken the front space in human right abuse, outrageous number in internally displaced persons, out of school children; kidnap cases, girl and women molestation, suicide bombing and mass murder. Ideally, since the above listed are indicators of a war-torn state, the question that then comes to the fore, bothers on if Nigeria is at war. The nexus between peace, security and development cannot be overemphasized in attending to violent ridden situations, given that development cannot thrive in an unstable clime. Kofi Annan, (former Secretary General of the United Nations) in a foreword to human security and new diplomacy, established a partial diversion of security from the conventional knowledge of military defense to a broader framework of security.
He asserted that "During the cold war, security tended to be defined almost entirely in terms of military might and the balance of terror. Today we know that 'security means far more than the absence of conflict. We also have a greater appreciation for non-military sources of conflict. We know that lasting peace requires a broader vision encompassing areas such as education and health, democracy and human rights, protection against environmental degradation, and the proliferation of deadly weapons. We know that we cannot be secure amidst starvation, that we cannot build peace without alleviating poverty, and that we cannot build freedom on foundations of injustice. These pillars of what we now understand as the people-centered concept of 'human security' are interrelated and mutually reinforcing" Similarly Luke. J, (2014) reiterated Annan's view point, when he affirmed that: "…The world is entering a new era in which the very concept of security will change -and change dramatically. security will be interpreted as: security of people, not just territory. security of individuals, not just nations. security through development, not through arms. security of all the people everywhere -in their homes, in their jobs, in their streets, in their communities, in their environment." The unending debacle in the North-East will remain an impasse, until the Nigerian government tackles poverty, insecurity, unemployment and underdevelopment. In Paul Collier's view, basic standard solutions to development, globally and locally will remain futile as long as countries are trapped under these four strings; the conflict trap; the natural resources trap; the trap of being landlocked with bad neighbours; and the trap of bad governance in a small country (Collier,2007). These four traps in his view, characterizes a failed state. What this