Darfur Crisis: Platforms, Partners and Peace Agreements The Pending Question: What Are the Reasons Behind the Failure?

This paper focused on the Darfur issue and discussed the reasons behind the repeated failure to achieve sustainable peace despite the many agreements, declarations of principles and platforms.The paper touched on the historical background of the agreements signed between the government and the armed movements, and the movements that splintered from the main movements, where the result has always been the collapse of the agreements.The historical approach is followed in this paper, as the most appropriate for this type of research work. The paper also adopted the questionnaire as a means of obtaining the initial information directly from the research community.The results of the analysis and their indicators were discussed, coupled with the historical background of the conflicts in Darfur and the reasons for the failure of previous agreements.The researcher has come up with a set of initial perceptions, through which a public debate on the Darfur crisis and the prospects for a sustainable solution can be initiated in a way that avoids repetition of past experiences, which have adopted traditional solutions, despite its inability to put an end to chronic historical tribal conflicts in Darfur. DOI: 10.7176/JEP/10-30-03 Publication date:October 31 2019 Definition of main concepts

The Organization of Western Sudan was formed in 77/1979 during the reign of President Nimeiri, under the leadership of Captain Jacob Ismail.
In 1988, the Arab tribes group emerged on the scene, which was the nucleus of the current Janjaweed militia, then in 1991, the so-called Bolad Movement, led by the rebel Islamist Daoud Bolad, who joined the SPLM, arrived at Jebel Marra, and finally, his movement was violently suppressed by the government. (1) The current armed conflict in Darfur started in February 2003, when two rebel groups, the Sudan Liberation Movement and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), began to declare war on the Sudanese government, which is accused of persecuting non-Arab Darfuris. The government responded with massive and very violent attacks, which were categorized by several sides as a campaign of ethnic cleansing against non-Arab Darfuris.
These attacks killed hundreds of thousands of civilians, burned villages and destroyed property, and Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir was accused of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Court (ICC). (2) The parties directly involved in the current conflict in Darfur are the SAF, the police and the Janjaweed. The Janjaweed are known as Sudanese government-backed militias, made up of Arab pastoral tribes, camel herders. Most of the other Arab groups in Darfur remained uninvolved. The other side includes rebel groups, especially the Sudan Liberation Movement and the Justice and Equality Movement, which are made up of non-Arab Muslim ethnic groups such as the Fur, Zaghawa and Masalit.
Although the Sudanese government denies supporting the Janjaweed, there are allegations that it supports the militia with financial assistance, weapons, and joint attacks, particularly against civilians. (3) The death toll is estimated to be several hundred thousand, either due to fighting or hunger and disease. Massive displacement has forced millions of people to go to IDP camps, refugee camps or cross borders, in what has been described as the worst humanitarian crisis of our time (4 ) .
Former US Secretary of State Colin Powell called the situation genocide (5 ) .
There are several different interpretations of the roots of the current conflict. The first interpretation supports the notion of land conflict between semi-nomad sheep herders and non-nomadic farmers; the conflict over water is also a major cause of conflict.
On 25 March 2003, the rebels occupied the SAF Tin village camp, near the Chadian border, and seized large quantities of ammunition and weapons. (6) On April 25, 2003, a joint SLA and JEM force entered El Fasher and attacked an air base at the airport, destroying four Antonov bombers and helicopters on the ground, killing 75 soldiers, pilots, technicians, and 32 prisoners, including an air base commander, a brigade.
It was a qualitative and successful military operation that did not occur during the 20 years of war in South Sudan .
After the successful of El Fasher military operation, the SAF losses continued, and the government then relied on three elements to divert the war to the SAF: Map showing the devastation of the rural areas of Darfur during the war (1) The main agreements signed between the Government of Sudan and the armed political opposition movements in Darfur: The table below summarizes the main agreements signed between the Government of Sudan and the armed political opposition movements in Darfur from 2004 to 2011 in various African and Arab capitals. Witnesses to these agreements were peace partners from different countries of the world, especially the African neighbors and international and continental regional organizations, at various stages of the Darfur crisis.
The tables show the most important items of these agreements, their outputs and the reasons for their failure. The table is designed by the researcher based on different sources. (1) ,(2),(3),(4),(5)

Methodology:
From the table above, it is clear that, the vast amount of agreements, declarations of principles and other efforts made by mediators from different quarters, all of which have failed to reach an agreement to end the conflict in Darfur in a sustainable manner.
The strategic question is still pending: all these efforts, why did not bear fruit? Despite all these agreements and initiatives, why is the conflict still going on? What are the reasons behind the failure of these agreements and protocols, which made them unable to achieve peace and stop the war?
We hope to contribute to the answer through the questionnaire and analysis below:

Population and study sample:
The study population means the total set of elements through which the researcher seeks to disseminate the results related to the problem studied. The original study population consists of all residents of Darfur.
The study sample was randomly selected from the study population, where the researcher distributed (200) questionnaires to the targeted.
In order to come up with as accurate results as possible, the researcher was keen on the diversity of the sample of the study in terms of including the following: Individuals of both sexes 2 -Individuals of different age groups 3. Individuals of different academic qualifications 4. Individuals from different tribes (Fur, Brno, Zaghawa, Tamah, Barqou, Daju, Habbaniyah, Maslamiya, Hawara, Masalit, etc.). 5. Individuals from various professional positions (managers, doctors, human rights activist, political activist, teachers, tribal leaders, lawyers, students, farmers, policemen, merchants, others). 6. Foreign aid workers (20 persons) 7. IDPs in Kalma camps in South Darfur, Hasahayisa in West Darfur and Abu Shouk in North Darfur (an average of 30 IDPs from each camp) 8. Individuals of different marital status.
The questionnaire, consisting of one main question and twelve hypothesis, was distributed to the selected sample of the study.
Data and information were emptied in tables prepared by the researcher for this purpose, where the nominal variables (strongly agree, agree, neutral, disagree, strongly disagree) were converted into quantitative variables ) 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 .(

The main question: "What do you think are the most important reasons that led to the failure of all the agreements that were made to bring peace to Darfur?"
The Hypothesis # 1: The lack of a clear intellectual and programmatic vision of the political and armed opposition, through which to deal with the international community, has further complicated the crisis in Darfur and thus the inability to reach a sustainable peace agreement.  (1) shows that (125) individuals in the study sample (63.1%) agree and strongly agree with Hypothesis # 1, and 64 individuals (32.4%) disagree and strongly disagree. The Hypothesis # 2: The multiplicity of international platforms and their contradictions and conflicts of interest and agenda have prolonged the conflict in Darfur.   (104) individuals in the study sample, with a percentage (52.5%) agree and strongly agree with Hypothesis # 3, and there were (77) individuals with a percentage (38.9%) disagree and strongly disagree. The Hypothesis # 4: Globalization, the clash of civilizations and global virtual culture, exacerbated the complexities and prolonged the crisis in Darfur.  (4) shows that 109 individuals in the study sample (55%) agree and strongly agree with Hypothesis # 4, and only 62 (31.3%) disagree and strongly disagree. Total 198 100 Source: Researcher preparation from the field study, SPSS program, 2016 Table (6) show that 111 individuals in the study sample (56%) approve and strongly agree with Hypothesis # 6. Seventy-one individuals (35.9%) disagreed and strongly disagreed.

The Hypothesis # 5: The fact that Darfur has become one of the biggest corridors of the drug trade in Africa and the Middle East has led drug traffickers to support the prolongation of the conflict in Darfur.
The Hypothesis # 7: The absence of voluntary civil society organizations, Arab, Islamic and national, since the beginning of the crisis, Leaving humanitarian action in the hands of foreign organizations has led to the feeling that the people of Darfur are alone in this crisis and that, foreigners are closer to them than their own people.  (7) shows that (157) respondents in the study sample (79.3%) agree and strongly agree with Hypothesis # 7, and there were (34) individuals and only (17.2%) disagree and disagree strongly on that.  (152) respondents in the study sample (76.8%) agree and strongly agree with Hypothesis # 8, there were (39) individuals and only (19.7%) disagree and strongly disagree on it. Hypothesis # 9: The international struggle for control of the oil and mineral areas and the strategic location of Darfur have added complications to the crisis. Total 198 100 Source: Researcher preparation from the field study, SPSS program, 2016 Table (9) shows that (159) respondents in the study sample (80.3%) agree and strongly agree with Hypothesis # 9, and there were (13) individuals with a percentage (11.7%) disagree and strongly disagree on it. Hypothesis # 10: The violations and atrocities committed by the Janjaweed government militia in Darfur have shattered social cohesion and raised up the ceiling of peace demands. Total 198 100 Source: Researcher preparation from the field study, SPSS program, 2016 Table (10) shows that (171) respondents in the study sample (86.3%) agree and strongly agree with Hypothesis # 10, and there were (22) individuals with a percentage (11.2%) disagree and strongly disagree on it.  Total 198 100 Source: Researcher preparation from the field study, SPSS program, 2016 Table (11) shows that (172) respondents in the study sample (86.8%) agree and strongly agree with Hypothesis # 11, and there were (22) individuals with a percentage (9.5%) disagree and strongly disagree on it. Hypothesis # 12: Disbanding all militias without exception, collecting weapons and handing them over to government armed forces and security arrangements are necessary conditions for peace in Darfur. Total 198 100 Source: Researcher preparation from the field study, SPSS program, 2016 Table (12) shows that (180) respondents in the study sample 90.9%) agree and strongly agree with Hypothesis # 12, and there were (16) individuals with a percentage (8%) disagree and strongly disagree on it.

Discussion
We can summarize many of the traditional causes of conflict, all over the world, among which are the causes of the conflict in Darfur.
• The conflict over participation in governance includes the participation of minorities and groups in power, strategies, rights, etc. • Religious and cognitive conflict around the world. • Conflicting identities and ethnicities, including race, religion, language and location.
Other causes include the proliferation of weapons and a culture of violence, which paves the way for conflicts, and conflict may also explode as a result of more than one cause at the same time.
In fact, the issue of the conflict in Darfur is old and has not begun today. We have reviewed its historical development, according to recorded history, and avoided the old stories and oral narratives in the period of the Sultanate of Darfur, and all the conflicts that we have mentioned, occurred after the annexation of the Sultanate of Darfur to Sudan (1916), with its current international geographical borders.
It is noteworthy that, in most of the discussions of the Darfur crisis, the point that researchers avoid most is that when Darfur was annexed to Sudan after the defeat of the Sultan Ali Dinar, Darfur was a sovereign state with its political, economic and social system, foreign relations, laws and a sultan army for over five hundred years. .
In fact, the Sultanate of Darfur has been annexed to Sudan, but not integrated into the Sudanese state. It is noteworthy that, in most of the discussions of the Darfur crisis, the point that researchers avoid most, is that when Darfur was annexed to Sudan after the defeat of Sultan Ali Dinar, Darfur was a sovereign state with its political, economic and social system, external relations, laws and a sultan army, for more than five hundred years. .
In fact, the Sultanate of Darfur has been annexed to Sudan, but not integrated into the Sudanese state. The Sultanate of Darfur, its systems, institutions and laws were retained, which the British colonization benefited in facilitating control and management.
After the independence of Sudan in 1956, Darfur became part of the state of Sudan, but with a system of government controlled by the so-called traditional civil administration and tribes, which have owned their homes and Hawakeer since the time of the Sultanate of Darfur, and governed by laws derived from their customs, traditions and heritage.
All this has led to the complexity of the details of the current Darfur crisis, which is not similar to the problems in other peripheral areas in Sudan. The Darfur crisis is not an ordinary self-centered crisis; it has gone beyond that, and has resulted in issues of national, regional and international dimensions. It is a crowded crisis with conflicting agendas, proxy warfare and settlement of accounts, which has nominated it to be the most complex crisis of the era. Therefore, traditional solutions do not work in the Darfur crisis, but rather reproduce and prolong the crisis. There must be a concerted effort by all sectors of society, including scholars, intellectuals, politicians, traditional civil administration, displaced persons in camps, traditional and modern leaders, youth, women, leaders of armed movements and tribal elders.
What is stated above, requires sincere will and desire of the central government to resolve the crisis, by touching the roots of the problem transparently, and willingness to meet all its dues, so as, to get out of this historic impasse in Darfur, and achieve sustainable peace.

Conclusion
Based on the historical narrative of the peace agreements that have been held since the outbreak of the Darfur conflict in 2003, which took on a regional political and armed nature, and also by drawing on the results of the analysis of the questionnaire, we conclude that the crisis in Darfur needs radical treatment, at various levels, and the introduction of a phased system. And priorities, in order to obtain sustainable results and how to shape the future of governance in Sudan.
The first essential step is the process of establishing peace, a ceasefire, security arrangements and imposing state prestige.
It is important that the peace documents contain solutions to the problem of land ownership, Hawakir and historical rights in this, because it has become the central issue in Darfur.
It is also important that the peace documents contain the subject of compensation in detail.
After that, the displaced persons who wish to return to their areas from which they were displaced will be provided with housing, health and educational services, clean water and security.
At the end of this step, all militias will be disbanded or integrated into the SAF as appropriate. The second step or phase has a strategic dimension, which relates to the process of positive discrimination in Darfur and other underdeveloped areas in Sudan, through national development plans, using the system of (Area Specific Plan), according to local needs, in order to be attached to modern civil society in terms of human development, service and infrastructure. In conclusion, we must always bear in mind that the steadfastness and success of the peace process is based on two things: The first is that, although there is general agreement among academic researchers on the desired policies and applications in post-conflict societies -including economic growth, overall economic structure building, and transitional justice -there is little understanding of how the timing and sequence of these policies affect Postconflict transition results.
The second, it is noted that many studies in post-conflict reconstruction tend to study a narrow horizon, focusing on policies of political or economic reforms; this underestimates the real complexity of the transition of post-conflict societies and keeps doors closed to other aspects. From rebuilding, such as rebuilding social relationships and trust, as well as psychological therapies that are always present in those communities. ( 1 )