The Economics and Dynamics of Internal Displacement in Nigeria

Internal displacement appears to have become a recurrent decimal in the socio-political narrative of Nigeria. While statistics reveal an increase in the number of both Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and Returnees, especially in the Northeastern zone, the major thrust of this study are centered around the questions; what are the recent dynamics of internal displacement in Nigeria? What economic dimension(s) exist for internal displacement, especially in relation to the IPD camps?The study adopted a descriptive research method in investigating the phenomenon of internal displacement in Nigeria, drawing data primarily from secondary sources of data, and subjecting them to rigorous content analysis. The study found that IDPs continue to not only suffer exploitation and abuse from other male IDPs, camp officials and security officers, while services available in IDP camps can serve as push for internal displacement in Nigeria. It concluded that IDPs remain largely insecure and ‘displaced’ in the IDP camps which have also become a significant variable in the management of internal displacement. It was recommended that NGOs and other aid organizations should be allowed to get more involved in the IDP camps, particularly in the area of camp management and even security, as Nigerian government continues to recapture, rebuild and return IDPs to their communities. Keywords: Displaced, Internal Displacement, Security, Camps, Internally Displaced Persons DOI : 10.7176/JAAS/55-06 Publication date :May 31 st 2019

From the above table, Gombe is the only state that experienced a decrease in the number of internally displaced persons within the state, although the security and reintegration of returnees in this state, as well as other returnees in the region, are also worthy of research and documentation, which unfortunately goes beyond the scope of this study. Aside Yobe state; which had the second highest displacement figure, Borno is of particular interest being the state with the highest statistic of newly displaced persons between April and June 2018; 18,353, although the presence of a Force Operation Base (FOB) and military screening activities, especially in Dikwa and Bama Local Government Areas. Also, despite the return of some 11,856 IDP to their places of origin, from the state capital in Maiduguri, Borno remains host to the highest number of IDPs in Nigeria (IOM, 2018: 5).

Conflict and Internal Displacement
Several factors are responsible for people fleeing their homes in search of refugee in displacement camps and other facilities across the world, among such factors are natural disasters, environmental changes, terrorism and violent conflicts. Although the degree to which these factors propel displacement, as well as the volume of displaced persons resulting from each of these factors would vary from one to the other, violent conflicts continue to account for an increase in the number of internally displaced persons in many parts of the world generally, and Nigeria in particular, especially in the Northeastern zone. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) (2018) corroborated this view by asserting that armed conflict and other violence have forced more and more people to flee their homes and seek refuge elsewhere in their own countries in the ten years. The Committee argues further that the effects of conflict on the safety of citizens and resultant increased displacement is worsened in part because the parties to conflicts breach the rules of engagement which include protecting and civilians and not refraining from attack on non-combatants, rather conflict parties are more likely to cause harm or -in the worst cases -commit deliberate atrocities; including rape and other sexual and humanitarian crimes against the vulnerable population in the conflict zones.
Some of the earliest studies linking violence or conflict to displacement are those of Clark (1989); Gibney, Apodaca and McCann (1996); Schmeidl (1997); Cohen and Deng (1998);Weiner (1996); Apodaca (1998); and Shellman (2006, 2007), among others. While scholars seem to generally agree that violence or the threat of violent conflicts are a primary cause of displacement, some however, have argued that the scope and nature of these violent conflicts are also worthy interrogating in determining the extent to which violent conflicts link to displacement. Zolberg et al. (1989), for instance, observed that international war is a potential cause of refugee flows. Melander and Oberg (2006) and Melander, Oberg and Hall (2009) also argued that international territorial conflicts do not necessarily large number of produce migrants, unless in exceptional cases; for example, the period between 1990 and 1994 when post Cold War civil wars were at their peak. However, Melander and Oberg (2007) also argued that a more significant factor influencing displacement is the geographical spread of conflict, rather than the intensity of violence often measured by the number of deaths in the conflict. Furthermore, although some argue that the type of conflict may not be very significant in determining the nature of displacement; like Jonassohn (1993); Rummel (1994) and Davenport et al. (2003) who observed that government-induced violence are no different from those perpetuated by rebels, as both are significant predictors of displacement, Clay (1984) and Newland (1993), on the other hand, differentiate between ethnic and non-ethnic conflicts, insisting that ethnic conflicts are a more important determinant of displacement.
While Schmeidl (1997), argued that the violations of human rights and political freedoms had no significant effects on displacement, Moore and Shellman (2004), on the other hand found that the level of political terror was linked with the likelihood and magnitude of displacement, meaning that "lack of both political freedoms and rule of law cause forced migration, and states that do not respect human rights produce more forced migrants (and IDPs) than those that do" (Adhikari, 2011: 8). Aside the human right variable, Melander and Oberg (2006: 144) asserted that "regime transition reduces the number of forced migrants whereas regime collapse increases the number", and Moore and Shellman (2004) corroborated this view in observing that a higher level of democracy will decrease in the likelihood of displacement. While it has been established that violent conflicts or threat to violence displace people from their home, the literature does not provide a measure of violent conflict Hence, it is safe to conclude that while considerable efforts continue to be made in returning displaced persons to their homes, IDP camps still remain a very significant part of the internal displacement challenge in Nigeria.
Internally displaced persons camps in Nigeria are mostly under surveillance by the military and law enforcement agencies, and some of the camps are almost completely inaccessible to civilians and researchers, and as such it is difficult to gain access to some of the very important information about the humanitarian condition in the camp as well as the welfare of the IDPs generally. While not undermining the security of the IDPs and the need to ensure their safety with military and police presence, this security architecture has arguably provided protection for some security operative and camp officials, as well as IDPs themselves to take advantage of other vulnerable individuals within the camps, as well as divert relief materials intended for the IDPs without being caught or exposed.
Among the 282 camps and camp-like settings in Nigeria surveyed by the IOM between April and June 2018, it was reported that emergency (41%) and self-made (36%) shelters were the most common types of identified shelters in camps and camp-like settings, others were schools (8%), government buildings (8%), individual houses (8%), community shelters (2%) and health facilities (1%). Hence, it is safe to say that many of the IDPs were exposed to harsh weather and temperature conditions, as shelters may not provide the necessary humidity to cope with environmental temperature. Also, 71% of 28,738 IDPs surveyed in June 2018 reported that food was the major need they had that wasn't met; this is a slight reduction from 73% who reported food as their main unmet need in April 2018. Considering the volume of food supplies that are continuously released to the IDP camps by relief organizations, private donors and the government, one would expect that the statistics of those in need of food would much lesser than it is. Some other statistics from the Round 23 survey of the IOM Displacement Tracking Matrix are listed below; 1. Toilets were described as 'not hygienic' in 91% of the displacement camp sites (up from 89% in April 2018), while toilets were reported to be in good condition in only 9% of the sites. In Yobe state, all toilets were termed as not good/hygienic. 2. While 89% of the camp sites had access to food on-site, 6% had no access to food and 5% solely had access to food off-site. 3. Virtually all sites (99%) had access to health facilities; 68% of the camp sites had health facilities onsite and within three kilometers, while 28% had access to health facilities off-site but within three kilometers, although most of United Nations agencies and international NGOs were main health providers in the facilities, with some help from the government. 4. 99% of the camp sites reported access to (formal or informal) education services; however, high cost associated with school as well as absence of teachers deprived many from accessing educational services. 5. Petty trading (29%), daily labor (28%), farming (23%) and firewood collection (15%) were the main forms of livelihood in the camp sites. 6. While security was provided by the military, police and local authorities in 95% of evaluated camp sites, almost 4% of the sites reported or cited friction among residents of the camps. While these figures represent a fair and arguable improvement of the camp sites in the six states hosting the most displaced persons in Nigeria, the research did not so much evaluate the actual access and benefits of IDPs from these services available in the camps, neither did it evaluate the conduct of the care-givers (local and international) health workers, and security personnel in the camps. In other words, the mere existence of these services and facilities do not translate to their effective and efficient deployment to meet the needs of displaced persons. Decrying the character of officials and IDP camp personnel in Nigeria, Abdulazeez (2016) asserted that problems exist with the management of displacement in Nigeria, as camp officials embezzle funds meant for the camps by swelling the number of IDPs to get even more funding, and women, young girls and children are trafficked for money. In fact, Daily Post (2016) recorded the report of Mohammed Gujibawu; then Camp Manager in the Bakassi IDP Camp in Maiduguri, Borno state, that "no fewer than 3,213 pregnancies were recorded in the Bakassi camp between June and December 2016. There are 2,234 breastfeeding mothers among the 21,202 IDPs currently hosted in the camp". The Human Rights Watch (HRW), had also accused security operatives in Nigeria of abusing displaced women and girls, the HRW (2016: 1) reported that "Government officials and other authorities in Nigeria have raped and sexually exploited women and girls displaced by the conflict with Boko Haram. The government is not doing enough to protect displaced women and girls and ensure that they have access to basic rights and services or to sanction the abusers, who include camp leaders, vigilante groups, policemen, and soldiers". Although these allegations have been denied by the government along the military and other security organizations, the reality still remains that displaced women and girls continue to suffer sexual harassment, and the male IDPs themselves cannot be completely exonerated from this unfortunate trend.
A new dimension to the phenomenon of displacement in Nigeria may be the 'commercialization of IDP camps'. Pulse (2018) reported the complaint of Malam Jiddah Ambari, the alleged leader of the Fariya camp in

Responding to Internal Displacement in Nigeria
International assistance from humanitarian and donor agencies, especially within the United Nations, as well as efforts from relief organization and religious groups within the country, have been one major way of responding to the needs within the northeastern zone, including internal displacement. In addition to providing donations and other relief materials and services, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reported that the humanitarian aid workers and the Nigerian military officers have received training on humanitarian principles and civil-military coordination in a complex emergency environment, and at the time of the report, were undergoing a civil-military coordination trainings in the conflict area, which will help introduce the military and aid workers to the North-East Nigeria-Specific Guidance and provide a agenda for addressing humanitarian concerns. Other programs and plans resulting from international assistance include; the Nigerian Humanitarian Fund -Private Sector Initiative, the election contingency plan, 16 Days of Activism Against Gender Based -Violence Campaign, the Joint Approach in Nutrition and Food Security Assessment (JANFSA) and the Cadre Harmonisé (CH) analysis, which help to generate information that enhances nutrition and food security needs of in the conflict region, among others. Also, the implementation of the 2019-2021 Humanitarian Response Plan; hatched by a collection of Nigerian government representatives, civil society and donors, began in January 2019. Support from international organizations in the conflicts and humanitarian crisis in Nigeria doesn't come without its challenges as well. Lamenting the financial constraints of humanitarian efforts in Nigeria, OCHA (2019) also reported that as at October 31 st , only 58 percent (607 million dollars) had been raised of the 1.05 billion dollars needed by 60 humanitarian agencies to undertake 176 humanitarian projects and meet the needs of 6.1 million people in Borno, Adamawa and Yobe states alone. Aside financial constraints, humanitarian aid workers continue to be victims of attacks, kidnappings and killings in the area. Between January and November 2018 alone, three aid workers had been killed in attacks by armed groups, Saifura Hussaini Ahmed Khorsa and Hauwa Mohammed Liman; midwives with the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), were executed in September and October 2018 respectively, and a UNICEF nurse who was abducted in March 2018, remains a hostage of the armed group. These incidents have posed a threat to humanitarianism in Nigeria, as aid workers are frightened and organizations are withdrawing from the conflict zones, leaving the people without help.

Closing Arguments
Humanitarianism, including management of internal displaced persons especially in camps and camp-like settings, remain a concern for not only the north-eastern zone, but for Nigeria generally, as the prolonged conflicts in the northeast have continued to strain the economic and social security across the country, and in some cases have also triggered violence in Southwest and southeastern zones. Hence, the Nigerian state as a whole is in need of help.
If humanitarian aid is to survive and continue on an upward trajectory in Nigeria, the conflict parties must respect international humanitarian laws and allow aid workers and organizations access to civilian and other vulnerable individuals who need help within the conflict areas. Also, government must show more commitment in the mobilization, training and arming of troops in managing the conflicts in the northeast, the collaborations of aid workers and military officers in civil-military trainings in the conflict areas should also be sustained, and if possible extended to all the battalions and divisions of the military organization. Furthermore, international and non-governmental organizations should be further incorporated into the management of Internally displaced persons camps in Nigeria; aid workers should be allowed to participate in the daily activities in the camps and in provide counseling and more psychological help to the IDPs, especially the children, women and girls. Establishment of public complaint mechanisms within the IDP camps that allows for anonymous complaints by IDPs would help promote freedom of expression and reduce the frequency, if not eliminate any acts of sexual and other forms of abuse by officials and other IDPs. Again, while the security of the camps should remain a priority, government should encourage displacement research and investigation by private researchers and research organization, as this would provide the needed information of key areas of concern and trends that would guide government decisions, lighten the task of humanitarian agencies, as well as adequately meet the humanitarian needs of affected individuals.