African Regional Organisations in Rebuilding Conflict Nations in West Africa

The AU and ECOWAS have attained growing recognition for adopting the human security concept in promoting peace and development. They have transformed their activities towards achieving human security in conflict and post-conflict nations to protect civilian populations. The human-centred principles upheld by AU and ECOWAS have changed the security dynamics through the promotion of regional security to make lives more secure on the Continent. The conflict and post-conflict interventions of AU and ECOWAS have similarities to human security approaches. While these elements are clear in their instruments and policy responses, the lack of legitimacy, technical and financial capacity impedes their practical implementation for holistic delivery. Despite these shortfalls, this paper contests that the interventions in Cote D’Ivoire and Guinea-Bissau showed commitment by African regional organisations to peace, reconstruction and human security. This paper examines their achievements and shortfalls among member countries, and importance in global perspectives.

threats, disputes and conflict risks in West Africa. Article 22 of the 1999 Protocol gives responsibility to ECOMOG for "observation and monitoring; peace-keeping and restoration of peace; humanitarian intervention; enforcement of sanctions, including embargoes, preventive deployment; peace building, disarmament and demobilisation; and policing activities involving the control of fraud and organised crimes. Article 40 of the Protocol highlights human security elements through the declaration of ECOWAS' role in humanitarian emergencies, while Articles 42 to 45 emphasise ECOWAS' obligation to peace building in societies affected, or recovering from conflicts. The 2001 Protocol on Good Governance, which supplements the 1999 Conflict Prevention Protocol, also seeks to address political causes of insecurity.
This focus of ECOWAS framework and initiatives has dealt with new dimensions of human security other than physical violence, including the establishment of the Child Protection Unit (CPU) at its commission. The 2006 Convention on Small Arms and Light Weapons, and the 2007 Draft of the Conflict Prevention Framework reinforces ECOWAS security architecture to involve diverse actors in promoting human security. The crisis, experiences and lessons learned from interventions by ECOWAS in Sierra Leone and Liberia encouraged continental actors, including the AU to reformulate and review policies on peace and security. These culminated in the transformation into the AU in 2002, and reforms to deepen its supranational status (powers) for effectiveness in regional peace, security and development. This demonstrates AROs' commitment to civilian protection, reconstruction and human security. However, as the international community intervenes in continental conflicts, it overshadows AROs, making their contributions unnoticed for recognition (Aning, 2013).
Based on the normative framework and concept of human security, this article explores interventions of AU and ECOWAS in rebuilding and protecting civilians in West Africa. In view of this, the paper examines the cases of Cote D'Ivoire, and Guinea-Bissau to evaluate the contributions and challenges faced by AROs in promoting human security in the sub-region. This assessment is to highlight the AU and ECOWAS with respect to security, peace and development in exercising their responsibilities to protect. The paper is in two parts. The first section discusses the AU and ECOWAS in global perspective in respect of human security initiatives to protect people. The last part examines the experiences of Cote D'Ivoire and Guinea-Bissau, and concludes with the findings on African interventions, and the connection between security regionalism and interference to argue Ngoma's assertion that African regional bodies remain "as best, as mere clubs of political leaders and at worst, as clubs of dictators."

African Solutions to African Problems
The coming together of African nations as regional and sub-regional bodies to promote co-operation, and protect citizens in member states demonstrates an increased collective security amongst African states (Bischoff, 2012). This means that African states have a collective responsibility to promote peace and security across the continent. Africa is criticised for not solving the challenges of the continent. Apuuli (2012) describes the reluctance of western institutions and actors to lend support to interventions on the continent, as key reason for African regional bodies to explore domestic solutions to African challenges. The AU and ECOWAS have adopted a revisionist; reformist and interventionist approach to make them active in the management of Africa's problems. That is why the AU transformed from OAU in 2002 to make it effective in continental issues.
This article uses a regional community framework to demonstrate the co-operation between independent sovereign nations as a unit for promoting common interests and African solutions. Nathan (2012) describes a security community as the joining of independent states in a sense of belonging via shared identity and interests for peace, security and development. This paper limits its discussion on co-operation of states to pursuing common aims or goals of achieving human security and development. This means that members of African regional and sub-regional bodies come together for one or more of the identified factors. As Oluwadare (2014) indicates, the regional grouping of African nations has strengthened socio-political and economic integration, and interventions on the continent. Despite the sense of collectiveness and co-operation, the low level of commitment to "common values, mistrust, different identities and regimes" in architectures on the Continent challenges regional organisations including the AU and ECOWAS from realising their goals (Nathan, 2012, p, 152). The lack of sustainable and reliable financing for AU and ECOWAS activities, and reliance on external donors put these institutions in subordinate positions to other international actors. These conditions thwart the efforts of the continental and regional security communities. However, the re-admission of Morocco into the AU and increased financial allocation by emerging powers including Angola, Chad, Kenya and Rwanda is likely to shift the balance of power amongst states, and improve the financial position of the AU. The 27 th AU summit in Rwanda in 2016 approved the new Import Levy and Peace Fund models to enable the AU provide effective interventions in African problems (Louw-Vaudran, 2016). The AU seeks to control its own destiny, and become complementary partner to the UN by striving to end its dependency on western funding through the Peace Fund and Import (community) Levy of 0.2% on imports from outside Africa by member states (Namata, 2016). The implementation of these models would contribute about US$400 million to the AU's budget on peace and security operations by 2020 (AU, 2016). The AU adopted the import levy model from the successes of the Common External Tariff (CET) mechanism implemented by ECOWAS in 2006 to fund its internal activities and security challenges.
In spite of the bottlenecks, African regional bodies have made strides in promoting human security in conflict and post-conflict nations. The AU and ECOWAS have contributed to making lives more secure, emphasising the need to promote human security, especially after the NATO led intervention in the Libyan crisis, which generated criticism against AROs as not capable of taking ownership of R2P interventions. Even though international institutions particularly the United Nations (UN) have contributed to peace and security in the region, AU and ECOWAS have also demonstrated commitments to conflict and post-conflict crises (Aning, 2013). Oluwadare (2014) explains how the AU transformed from the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to widen its scope from "conflict anticipation and prevention to combine peacemaking and peace building during conflicts, with peacemaking and peace building in post-conflict situations" (p, 108). The re-branding of the AU has brought it to the centre stage of conflict management, resolution, security, stability and peace that has reduced the heavy burden on UN and ECOWAS in large-scale peacekeeping programmes in Africa. 1 From the perspective of international relations, the goals of these regional organisations could be described as agenda for human security. This emphasises the paradigm shifts from the state as referent object in security to protecting people after the Cold War, because of the change in warfare from inter-state to a predominance of intra-state dimensions (Smythe, 2013).

Human Security
The idea of human security came up in African discourses on security at the Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Co-operation in Africa (CSSDCA) in 1991 in Uganda in search of a new definition of security on the Continent by "decoupling sovereignty and security," as participants envisioned security as a "multidimensional phenomenon" than a restrictive concept (Stensland, Lotse and Ng, 2012, p. 23). This means that security goes beyond state or military protection to involve all issues of human existence consisting of "social, political and economic" factors which affect "people's lives, families, communities and nations" (p. 23). The discussions in Kampala gave birth to the idea of human security, earlier before the Human Development Report (HDR) in 1994, which is mentioned as the source of the concept (p. 23). The HDR (1994) describes human security as a universal principle that ensures "freedom from fear," "freedom from want" and "right to human dignity". This envisages the protection of people from the threats to human rights, "political security, community security, personal security, economic security, health security, food security and environmental security" (HDR, 1994, p.24). The Commission for Human Security (2003) also refers to human security as the protection of "vital core of all human lives to enhance freedoms and human fulfillment" (p. 4). Human security as a people centred concept has shifted the focus of security to protecting individuals, extending its dimensions to dealing with their needs and threats for improved wellbeing. It provides a wide spectrum of protection from various threats including environmental, economic and health issues, among others. It protects, and empowers societies (individuals) as means of security, where people become parts of decision-making and solutions to insecurity.
As a preventive mechanism, AROs have embraced the all-inclusive concept of human security in their strategies and policies. For example, Article 4 of the AU Constitutive Act situates human security under its purview to include elements such as "respect for democratic principles, human rights, rule of law and good governance, promotion of human life, condemnation and rejection of impunity and political assassination, acts of terrorism and subversive activities, and gender equality". 2 In promoting human security, the AU intervenes in member countries in periods of "genocide, unconstitutional changes of government, war crimes, conflicts and crimes against humanity," which threaten regional security (Herbst & Mills, 2003, p. 21). The AU PSC serves as the decision making body, collective and early warning system arrangements that facilitate timely and efficient response to African conflicts (note). In this regard, Article 7 of the PSC Protocol mandates the PSC: to anticipate, and prevent dispute (conflicts), as well as genocide and crimes against humanity; undertake peace-making and peace-building functions to resolve conflicts; authorise the mounting and deployment of peace support missions; recommend to the assembly interventions in member states with respect to grave circumstances, in accordance with Article 4(h) of the Constitutive Act; and support and facilitate humanitarian action in violent conflicts or natural disasters. The AU adopted the PCRD policy as effort to enhance linkages with development policies in promoting effective co-ordination of post-conflict activities. It has also designed a Humanitarian Action Policy (HAP) to complement the work of the Humanitarian Affairs, Refugees and Displaced Persons Division (HARDPD) under the Political Affairs Department. 3 ECOWAS demonstrates the principle of human security in the African Charter on Human and People's Rights, positing the concept as the protection and promotion of human rights and development (Bamfo, 2013). It adopted the 2008 Conflict Prevention Framework (ECPF) as a guiding light for preventing conflicts and disputes to avert insecurity. Section II (6) of the ECPF posits human security as the "creation of conditions to eliminate the pervasive threats to people's and individual rights, livelihoods, safety and life; the protection of human and democratic rights and the promotion of human development to ensure freedom from fear and freedom from want". Section V (6) reinforces human security by stressing the promotion of democracy and sustainable development as critical elements of conflict prevention and peace building, as well as enhancing humanitarian crisis prevention and preparedness. To achieve this, ECOWAS requires effective interventions to prevent conflicts, and support post-conflict peace building and development processes. Section VIII (42), further, highlights "Early warning; Preventive Diplomacy; Democracy and Political Governance; Practical Disarmament; Women, Peace and Security; Youth Empowerment; ECOWAS Standby Force; Humanitarian Assistance; Peace Education," as initiatives to prevent conflicts for human security. 1 In pursuant of Article 5(2) of the Constitutive Act, the AU established the Peace and Security Council (PSC) to prevent, manage and resolve conflicts on the continent. Article 3 (a) of the PSC Protocol envisages peace, security and stability to guarantee the protection and preservation of life and property, as well as the well-being of people, their environments and creation of conducive conditions to sustainable development. Also, Article 3(b) of the Protocol anticipates and prevents conflicts, giving PSC the responsibility to perform peacemaking and peace building functions in conflict resolution. Article 3(c) of the Protocol promotes AU's peace building and post-conflict reconstruction programmes to consolidate peace, and prevent resurgence of violence. Consequently, Article 7(m) mandates the PSC to initiate actions within its conflict prevention framework, and responsibility to promote democratic practices, good governance, rule of law, protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, respect for the sanctity of human life and international humanitarian law. 2 These articles encourage the AU to develop an operational structure for effective decisions in peace making, peace support operations and peace building, as well as humanitarian actions (intervention), disaster management and post-conflict reconstruction as key activities of the PSC. In this regard, Article 14(3) of the PSC Protocol extends such mandate in conflict states to include: consolidation of the peace agreements that have been negotiated; establishment of conditions of political, social and economic reconstruction of the society and Government institutions; implementation of disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration programmes, including those for child soldiers; resettlement and reintegration of refugees and internally displaced persons; assistance to vulnerable persons, including children, the elderly, women and other traumatised groups in the society. The PSC Protocol shows a linkage between conflict prevention and peace consolidation. The AU and ECOWAS have proved their commitments to social and political rebuilding of post-conflict nations in Africa. Key features of the rebuilding and reconstruction processes of these bodies are restoring democracy and state authority, security sector reforms, demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation of ex-rebels and excombatants to reintegrate them into society. In 2005, the AU mandated its commission to outline a framework for an African Post-conflict Reconstruction and Development (PCRD), as a blue print for re-building communities affected by conflict crises. 3 The framework revolves around security and political transition, participatory governance, socio-economic development, justice and reconciliation, human rights and coordination, management and resource mobilisation (NEPAD, 2005). The AU adopted the PCRD policy in 2006, as a strategic and normative framework that postulates comprehensive activities to consolidate peace. It serves as the guidelines for delivering AU's PCRD strategies in nations affected by conflicts to play effective roles in the processes of reconstruction and development. The PCRD policy seeks to enhance timeliness, effectiveness and co-ordination in post-conflict nations, as well as secure social justice and sustainable peace, in line with Africa's vision of renewal and growth.
The PCRD policy works on five principles, such as African leadership, natural and local ownership, inclusiveness, equity and discrimination, co-operation and cohesion, and capacity building for sustainability. 4 These inform AU's PCRD programmes in consolidating peace and preventing relapse of violence; helping to address the root causes of conflict; encouraging and fast-tracking planning and implementation of reconstruction activities, as well as improving complementarities and co-ordination between and among actors in processes. The policy situates the promotion of human security as the basis for PCRD initiatives; reconstituting and transforming social, political, economic and physical conditions of societies in crisis. In consistent with this, the AU/NEPAD post-conflict unit was established to work with civil society, private and external stakeholders in 1 See Regulation MSC/Reg.1/01/08, Sections 11 (6), V (6) and VIII (42)